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Matthew Deady, c1859
Oregon Historical Society
OrHi 63119 |
In the last couple of years the University of Oregon conducted a thorough reassessment of the legacy of
Mathew Deady. Students had called for renaming historic Deady Hall on campus. In announcing the final decision
not to rename Deady Hall,
University President Michael Schill wrote:
Deady was...a deeply flawed man. He held racist views which I find abhorrent and contrary to the principles of our university. His support of slavery prior to the Civil War cannot be excused....Although Deady’s racist views did not abate after the Civil War, he fully embraced the new constitutional order....Deady supported the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, which guarantee to all equal protection under the US Constitution....Deady does not represent an example of an egregious case justifying overturning the presumption against denaming...[and] I will not recommend that the Board of Trustees dename Deady Hall.
In the same decision, Schill ruled that
Frederic Dunn, an Exalted Cyclops in the second KKK of the 1920s, and who had
taught at Willamette University between 1895-1898 previous to his time at the University of Oregon, was in fact an example of such "an egregious case." His name was removed from his namesake building, and it has been
renamed Unthank Hall.
Matthew Deady was at the center of the "Salem Clique," the name of a small Democratic party machine mostly headed by Asahel Bush during the run up to Statehood in the 1850s, opposed first to a
Whig coalition headed by
Thomas Dryer of
the Oregonian in Portland, to
the Know-Nothing party, and then to
the early Republican Party in the later 1850s.
Asahel Bush was almost certainly more racist than Matthew Deady, and it does not appear his views evolved the way Deady's changed. We know, for example, about his scorn for
the efforts of Rev. Obed Dickinson and his wife Charlotte later in the 1850s and 60s.
Time to think more about Asahel Bush
A reassessment of the legacy of Asahel Bush is overdue. (We also need to know more about his real estate, investing, and banking activities later in the 19th century! He is such a key Salem figure, but hardly known in detail.)
In her new book,
The Salem Clique: Oregon's Founding Brothers, Barbara Mahoney leans away from such a reassessment, and without denying the way race and slavery was implicated in our Territorial government and then the debate and drive to Statehood, she may not center it enough. Of Bush in 1862 she writes:
Writing in the third person...[he said] he was "in favor of maintaining the Government at every hazard and to the last extremity. He wouldn't destroy the Government either to enslave or liberate [yes, that word*]; he believes it to be a Government of white men, and if the liberties of that race can be preserved, he regards it of comparatively little consequence what fate betides [the same word]."
Rather than providing the central thesis and focus, this is an ancillary moment.
It seems instead like the machinations of the Salem Clique, starting with sending out Bush to organize
the Democratic party from the very start, have at their basis the perpetuation of slavery in the South as supported by the Democratic party of the time, and arranging in Oregon a "Government of white men." Race and slavery are absolutely central here, both in our local politics and in the national political wrangling involved in admitting a new state to the Union.
Slavery isn't backstory or side story, it's absolutely central to the main story, and may indeed be the essence of the main story. (You might recall "
Oregon Was Founded As a Racist Utopia," a Gizmodo piece from a few years back that pushes this argument.)